AILING ECONOMY AND HEALTHCARE – AND STILL WE DO NOT ACCEPT HARD FACTS
Sunday, February 5th, 2012 2:38 PM by Christopher GregoryHow much more time will it take before we realize that our economy is being aimed into a brick wall by this nation’s fee-for-service health care system? Plain and simple, the free-for-all must stop!
In the illustration below, compare what has happened over a period of 50 years, examining the composition of payers of health care.
Observe in the above comparison how much of our health care economy has shifted to insured and government paid programs (Medicare/Medicaid).
In the next graph, we show total spending on health care in the United States, including both private and public spending, increasing from 4.7 percent of GDP in 1960 to 14.9 percent in 2005.
Spending on Health Care as a Percentage of Gross Domestic Product,
1960 to 2005
(Percent)
Source: Congressional Budget Office based on data on spending on health services and supplies, as defined in the national health expenditure accounts, maintained by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. Note: Amounts for Medicare are gross federal spending on the program. Amounts for Medicaid include spending by the federal government and the states.
Current Estimates put U.S. health care spending at approximately 16% of GDP, second highest to East Timor among all UN member nations. The Health and Human Services Department expects that the health share of GDP will continue its historical upward trend, reaching 19.5% of GDP by 2017.
Projected Spending on Health Care as a Percentage of Gross Domestic Product
(Percent)
Source: Congressional Budget Office. Note: Amounts for Medicare are net of beneficiaries’ premiums. Amounts for Medicaid are federal spending only.
Although the rate of cost growth slows over the projection period, the annual increase in the level would remain high. For example, for the five years beginning in 2007, CBO projects health care spending, measured as a share of GDP, to grow by 12 percent—from 15.5 percent of GDP to 17.4 percent. From 2070 to 2075, CBO projects, it will grow by only 4 percent, from 44.4 percent of GDP to 46.2 percent. From one perspective, the growth during the latter period is much slower. But in both periods, health care spending rises by about 2 percent of GDP.
Spending on Medicare and Medicaid is projected to grow as a share of total spending on health care – as the assumed rates of excess cost growth for those programs under current federal law slow less quickly than does the rate for other spending on health care and as the population ages. Net federal spending on those programs now accounts for about 4 percent of GDP, or 26 percent of total spending on health care. By 2035, those figures grow to 9 percent of GDP, or 30 percent of total spending on health care, and by 2082, to 19 percent of GDP, or 38 percent of total spending.
The carnage we are experiencing stems from our complete inability to realize that fee-for-services must stop. We must become more like the Mayo, Kaiser, Geisinger models – physicians employed and absent the lure of doing more to make more. As long as the lure, ease and the opportunities to over-diagnose, over-test, over-treat, over-procedure, over-refer and over-prescribe remain unchecked, the gasoline can sits next to the open flame.
What can we look to as prime reasons for unchecked ologist influence and ologist causes for our wanton fee-for-service spending?
For one, The Relative Value Scale Update Committee (RUC) debacle continues to poison the well as the RUC’s influence on the $2.7 trillion health care economy remains sweeping. Because the RUC is not formally a federal advisory committee (FAC), it has been challenged as being a “de facto” FAC, a designation that has legal precedent.
Our one hope for fixing the payment fairness and equity in our system is being shouted down by a clandestine voting bloc of individuals who hold a rubber stamp to empower spending more on ologist care, while offering scant incentives for the survival of the physician population (primary care doctors) best suited to sit at the wheel of the health care bus. Because only 2 of the 29 physicians on this (possibly illegal) ad hoc committee are primary care doctors, 27 other specialties get to play keep away from doctors who should stand at the front lines.
Despite its enormous influence over Medicare and commercial health expenditures, the RUC proceedings are opaque. Its meetings are closed to the public – participation requires an invitation from the Chair – and transcripts are not publicly available. Members vote secretly by electronic ballot, and the AMA discards records of the votes.
Still, CMS has accepted more than 90 percent of the RUC’s 7,000 recommendations since 1991, often without further due diligence.
The RUC is also rife with conflict. Until 2009 the AMA would not reveal the RUC members’ names. While primary care physicians represent some 55% of all doctors, 27 of the RUC’s 29 members are specialists effectively lobbying their specialist societies’ interests. Roy Poses MD, who studies financial conflicts in medicine, recently wrote,“14 of 29 members of the RUC have financial relationships with pharmaceutical companies, biotechnology companies, device companies, companies that directly provide health care, and health care insurance companies.” None of these are publicly disclosed as a condition of RUC membership. Nor is there any publicly available record of whether real or potential conflicts of interest have caused RUC members to recuse themselves from votes.
This needs to change, and primary care must get many more seats at the table. Then and only then, coupled with focused initiatives on the part of the sleeping giant that can be a game-changer (employers), can we hope to bring rampant costs under control.
Let’s also quit using Canada and the British system as whipping boys whenever there are serious talks about accessibility improvements. Remember this. Whatever we don’t attend to in a free and open system that utilizes common sense in managing spending the right way, will come back to us in the form of higher uses in the sectors of health care that cost a great deal.
The time for top-down management has come. Can we do it?
















